Same Sex Psychiatric Disorders
Journals of
the American Medical Association
Archives of General Psychiatry
Same-Sex Sexual
Behavior and Psychiatric Disorders
Findings From the
Netherlands Mental Health Survey and Incidence Study (NEMESIS)
Theo G. M. Sandfort, PhD; Ron de Graaf, PhD; Rob V. Bijl, PhD; Paul Schnabel,
PhD
Background It has been suggested that homosexuality is associated with psychiatric morbidity. This study examined differences between heterosexually and homosexually active subjects in 12-month and lifetime prevalence of DSM-III-R mood, anxiety, and substance use disorders in a representative sample of the Dutch population (N = 7076; aged 18-64 years).
Methods Data were collected in face-to-face interviews, using the Composite International Diagnostic Interview. Classification as heterosexual or homosexual was based on reported sexual behavior in the preceding year. Five thousand nine hundred ninety-eight (84.8%) of the total sample could be classified: 2.8% of 2878 men and 1.4% of 3120 women had had same-sex partners. Differences in prevalence rates were tested by logistic regression analyses, controlling for demographics.
Results Psychiatric
disorders were more prevalent among homosexually active people compared with
heterosexually active people. Homosexual men had a higher 12-month prevalence of
mood disorders (odds ratio [OR] = 2.93; 95% confidence interval [CI] =
1.54-5.57) and anxiety disorders (OR = 2.61; 95% CI = 1.44-4.74) than
heterosexual men. Homosexual women had a higher 12-month prevalence of substance
use disorders (OR = 4.05; 95% CI = 1.56-10.47) than heterosexual women. Lifetime
prevalence rates reflect identical differences, except for mood disorders, which
were more frequently observed in homosexual than in heterosexual women (OR =
2.41; 95% CI = 1.26-4.63). The proportion of persons with 1 or more diagnoses
differed only between homosexual and heterosexual women (lifetime OR = 2.61; 95%
CI = 1.31-5.19). More homosexual than heterosexual persons had 2 or more
disorders during their lifetimes (homosexual men: OR = 2.70; 95% CI = 1.66-4.41;
homosexual women: OR = 2.09; 95% CI = 1.07-4.09).
Conclusion The
findings support the assumption that people with same-sex sexual behavior are at
greater risk for psychiatric disorders.
Arch Gen Psychiatry.
2001;58:85-91
FOR A LARGE part of the
past century, homosexuality itself was seen as a mental disorder. In 1973, the
American Psychiatric Association removed homosexuality from its list of mental
disorders. This removal came about because of support from research findings1-4
and as a result of a persistent plea by both professionals and activists.5
In response to the former
psychiatric stigmatization of homosexuality and ideologically inspired by a
social movement aiming to achieve greater acceptance of homosexual people, some
authors subsequently stressed the equality in mental health status of homosexual
and heterosexual people.6,
7 Others
suggested that the mental health status of homosexual people might be impaired
owing to various stresses, either temporary or in specific subgroups.8
Some authors expected an upsurge in suicidal behaviors, especially in
adolescence and young adulthood, as a consequence of the stresses experienced
during the coming-out process.1,
9, 10
Levels of substance abuse were also expected to be higher in gay men and
lesbians as compared with heterosexual people.11,
12
Furthermore, negative health consequences such as body image dissatisfaction and
eating disorders also came to be seen as related to the specific lifestyle and
subculture of openly gay and lesbian people.8,
13
Although many studies have
assessed the mental health status of homosexual men and women, the results are
still inconclusive. This is predominantly due to a variety of methodological
problems, characteristic of most studies done since the 1960s, such as the use
of convenience samples, small sample sizes, lack of adequate comparison groups,
failure to control for potentially confounding factors, application of
nonstandardized research instruments, and questionable external validity.14-17
Recent studies applying a
more rigorous methodology showed that there is substantial support for the
existence of orientation-related differences in mental health status. In a
population-based study among adolescents, suicidal intent and actual suicide
attempts were related to homosexuality in males but not females.18
Young people with a homosexual or bisexual orientation were found to be at
increased risk of major depression, generalized anxiety disorder, conduct
disorder, substance abuse/dependence, and suicidal behaviors.19
Middle-aged men who reported ever having had male sex partners were at a higher
lifetime risk for various suicidal symptoms compared with their heterosexual
counterparts, even after controlling for substance abuse and depressive
symptoms.20
A small increased risk among homosexually active populations in 1-year
psychiatric morbidity was found in a sample of the US population, with
homosexually active men more likely than other men to experience major
depression and panic attack syndromes and homosexually active women more likely
than other women to be classified as having alcohol or other drug dependence.21
However, these studies still have various limitations.10,
14, 22
Our study aims to explore
differences in the prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorders in
relation to homosexuality and to overcome some of the limitations of the earlier
studies. It does so by using a large, representative sample of the Dutch
population selected without reference to sexual orientation and allowing for
separate analyses for men and women. The study categorizes people as homosexual
or heterosexual based on recent rather than lifetime behavior, the latter being
a more diffuse categorization than the former.23
The study uses a validated and standardized instrument to assess psychiatric
disorders, applied in face-to-face interviews. By looking at both lifetime and
12-month prevalence, we were able to assess the relationship between
homosexuality and mental health more precisely than most other studies.
SUBJECTS AND METHODS
SUBJECTS
The data used for this study are part of the Netherlands Mental Health Survey
and Incidence Study (NEMESIS), which assessed psychiatric disorders in a
representative sample of the Dutch population aged 18 to 64 years. NEMESIS was
conducted with the approval of the Internal Review Board of the Trimbos
Institute, Utrecht, the Netherlands. A detailed description of the design of the
study and the major outcomes have been previously published.24,
25
NEMESIS has applied a
multistage, stratified, random-sampling procedure of households in the
Netherlands. One respondent was randomly selected in each household. The
interviewers made a minimum of 10 calls or visits to an address at different
points in time and days of the week to make contact. To optimize response and to
compensate for possible seasonal influences, the initial fieldwork was extended
over the entire period from February through December 1996.
A total of 7076 persons
were interviewed. Respondents provided verbal consent after having been informed
about the aims of the study. The interviewer entered data into a computer during
the interview. According to the method of assessment, the response was 64.2% (of
the households eligible for interview) or 69.7% (of the persons eligible for
interview). Persons who declined to take part in the full interview were asked
to furnish several key pieces of data. Of these persons, 43.6% agreed to do so.
The psychiatric morbidity (estimated with the General Health Questionnaire,26
taking into account sex, age, and urbanicity) of these nonresponders did not
significantly differ from that of the respondents.
DIAGNOSES
The instrument used to determine DSM-III-R diagnoses was the Composite
International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI),27,
28
designed for use by trained interviewers who are not clinicians. The CIDI has
acceptable interrater reliability,29
acceptable test-retest reliability30
and acceptable validity for practically all diagnoses, with the exception of
acute psychotic presentations.31
The diagnoses were generated during data processing.
The following DSM-III-R
diagnoses were recorded: mood disorders (depression, dysthymia, bipolar
disorder), anxiety disorders (panic disorder, agoraphobia, social phobia, simple
phobia, obsessive-compulsive disorder, generalized anxiety disorder),
psychoactive substance use disorders (alcohol or other drug abuse and
dependence, including sedatives, hypnotics, and anxiolytics). Although eating
disorders and schizophrenia and other nonaffective psychotic disorders were
recorded as well, these data are not presented here because of their low
prevalence.
The assessment of
psychiatric symptoms took place before subjects were asked about their sexual
behavior, thus minimizing the chance of contamination.
The fieldwork was done by
90 interviewers, experienced in systematic data collection and extensively
trained in recruiting respondents and computer-assisted interviewing.
SEXUAL BEHAVIOR
Respondents were asked verbally whether they had sexual contact in the preceding
year and the gender of their partner(s). If the respondent had had sex with
someone of the same gender (exclusively or not), he or she was categorized as
homosexual. Other sexually active people were categorized as heterosexual.
Homosexually active men and exclusively heterosexually active subjects are
subsequently referred to in this article as homosexual and heterosexual persons,
respectively. Sexual orientation itself was not assessed.
Of the total of 7076
persons, 30 respondents did not answer the questions regarding their sexual
behavior. Of the remaining 7046, 85.2% reported having been sexually active.
More men than women reported having been sexually active (87.7% vs 83.0%;
21
= 30.1; P<.001). Of the 6003 sexually active respondents, 5 lacked the
necessary data to classify them as heterosexual or homosexual, leaving 5998
persons for the present analysis. Of the men, 2.8% (n = 82) had had sex with
male partners (6 of these men also had sex with women in the respective period).
Of the women, 1.4% (n = 43) had had sex with female partners (6 of them also had
sex with men). More men than women reported homosexual behavior (
21
= 15.9; P<.001).
STATISTICAL ANALYSIS
To assess differences in prevalence rates, adjusted odds ratios (ORs) were
computed separately for men and women. Age, level of education, residency, and
not having a steady partner were controlled for in these analyses, given that
these variables were positively related to prevalence rates in the total sample.22
Odds ratios were also calculated without controlling for relationship status,
given that relationship status is more likely to be a consequence of rather than
an antecedent to homosexual and heterosexual behavior.
RESULTS
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE
SAMPLE
Homosexual and heterosexual respondents differed on education and relationship
status (Table
1). Both homosexual men and women had a relatively higher educational level
than heterosexual men and women. Both homosexual men and women less frequently
reported being currently in a steady relationship than heterosexual men and
women. Homosexual and heterosexual men differed on residency status. Homosexual
men were more likely than heterosexual men to live in urban areas.
MEN
Compared with heterosexual men, homosexual men had significantly higher 12-month
and lifetime rates of mood and anxiety disorders (Table
2 and Table
3). Inspection of the specific mood disorders revealed that compared with
heterosexual men, homosexual men had a much larger chance of having had 12-month
and lifetime bipolar disorders and a higher chance of having had lifetime major
depression but no significant differences were seen regarding dysthymia.
Regarding the specific anxiety disorders, the lifetime prevalence was
significantly higher in homosexual men than in heterosexual men for all but
generalized anxiety disorder. The biggest differences were found in
obsessive-compulsive disorder and agoraphobia. The 12-month prevalences of
agoraphobia, simple phobia, and obsessive-compulsive disorder were higher in
homosexual men than in heterosexual men. Regarding substance use disorders, the
only significant difference was found in lifetime alcohol abuse. This is the
only disorder more frequently observed in heterosexual men than in homosexual
men. Homosexual men were not more likely than heterosexual men to report 1 or
more 12-month and lifetime disorders. More homosexual men than heterosexual men
had 2 or more disorders, both lifetime and in the preceding year.
Not controlling for
relationship status resulted in an increase in the various ORs (data not shown).
Furthermore, some differences in 12-month and lifetime prevalence became
statistically significant. If relationship status was not controlled for, the
lifetime and 12-month prevalence rates of 1 or more disorders were higher in
homosexual men than in heterosexual men (OR = 1.72, 95% confidence interval [CI]
= 1.10-2.70 and OR = 1.99, 95% CI = 1.23-3.20, respectively).
WOMEN
There were no significant differences between homosexual and heterosexual women
in the 12-month prevalence of mood and anxiety disorders. On a lifetime basis,
homosexual women had a significantly higher prevalence of general mood disorders
and major depression than did heterosexual women. The lifetime prevalence of
anxiety disorders did not differ between homosexual and heterosexual women.
Regarding the preceding year, homosexual women reported a substantially higher
rate of substance use disorders than did heterosexual women, although
differences in the specific substance use disorders were not significant.
Lifetime prevalence of both alcohol and other drug dependence was also
significantly higher in homosexual women than in heterosexual women. Although
more homosexual women than heterosexual women reported 1 or more DSM-III-R
diagnoses, lifetime and in the preceding year, only the former difference was
significant. Homosexual women were more likely than heterosexual women to have
had 2 or more disorders during their lifetime but not in the preceding year.
If relationship status was
not controlled for, ORs increased and the differences in 12-month alcohol
dependence and lifetime social phobia were also significant. Both 12-month and
lifetime prevalences of 1 or more disorders were higher in homosexual women than
in heterosexual women (OR = 2.09, 95% CI = 1.08-4.05 and OR = 3.16, 95% CI =
1.61-6.18, respectively).
COMMENT
This study found a higher
prevalence of various psychiatric disorders in homosexual people compared with
heterosexual people, both regarding the preceding 12 months as well as on a
lifetime basis. These differences seem to be gender specific with a higher
prevalence of substance use disorders in homosexual women and a higher
prevalence of mood and anxiety disorders in homosexual men, both compared with
their heterosexual counterparts.
The interpretation of
these findings requires consideration of some potential limitations, which could
have cumulatively either inflated or deflated actual differences in prevalence
rates.25
Among those people contacted, there could have been a nonresponse related to
homosexual behavior. Although nonresponse to specific questions was negligible
owing to the computer-assisted interviewing, subjects might have differed in
their reporting behavior. Compared with heterosexual men, homosexual men might
have been less reluctant to admit specific complaints. Although some
demographics were statistically controlled for, the possibility remains that at
least part of the observed differences are accounted for by some other
uncontrolled confounding variables. Finally, the study might underestimate the
differences between homosexual and heterosexual people owing to the limited
number of homosexual subjects and the consequently broad CIs of the ORs.
When compared with other
studies of sexual orientation and mental health, ours has several strengths. We
used a large representative sample rather than a convenience sample and selected
without reference to sexual orientation. The sample size allowed for separate
analyses for men and women. The importance of this is shown by our findings.
Furthermore, the outcome variables studied were assessed with a reliable and
standardized diagnostic instrument, and sexual behavior was assessed only after
questions regarding psychiatric disorders were answered. This study not only
looked at lifetime prevalence of psychiatric disorders but prevalence in the
preceding year as well, testing the relationship with homosexuality more
critically. In doing this, the findings suggest that homosexuality is not only
associated with mental health problems during adolescence and early adulthood,
as has been suggested,20
but also in later life. Finally, this study did not group people together based
on lifetime experiences, a common practice to make up for small numbers, but
looked at subjects' recent sexual behavior. Although various studies have
demonstrated discrepancies between homosexual behavior and homosexual
orientation or homosexual self-labeling,23,
32, 33
we think that recent homosexual behavior is a better indicator of homosexual
self-labeling than any lifetime homosexual involvement.
It is unclear to what
extent findings from this Dutch study can be generalized to other cultures or
nations. Compared with other Western countries, the Dutch social climate toward
homosexuality has long been and remains considerably more tolerant.34-36
To the extent that the level of social acceptance of homosexuality induces
differences in mental health status in relation to homosexuality, the observed
differences might be greater in other Western countries than in the Netherlands.
The strategy to control
for demographic variables in assessing differences between heterosexual and
homosexual people could be debated. Some of these demographic differences, which
were found in other representative studies as well and seem to be structural,23,
33, 37
could be considered a consequence of and not an antecedent to people's
homosexuality. The larger proportion of homosexual men in urban regions compared
with rural areas is usually understood as a consequence of a tendency to migrate
from places with high levels of social control to more congenial social
environments.23,
38 The
finding that homosexual people are less often involved in steady relationships
than heterosexual people is seen as resulting from the limited opportunities
homosexual people have to find an intimate partner, lesser legal and social
support for developing and maintaining homosexual relationships compared with
that for heterosexual relationships, and differing norms and values regarding
sexuality and personal relationships.39-42
It could be argued that not controlling for these demographic variables, which
results in more significant differences in prevalence rates of specific
disorders and in higher ORs, provides a more accurate estimate of the actual
differences in prevalence rates between homosexual and heterosexual people.
Because of the study's
cross-sectional design, it is not possible to adequately address the question of
the causes of the observed differences. Differences observed in the preceding
year might be a consequence of earlier differences, since ever having had a
specific disorder might predispose people to subsequent disorders.43
Because the acquired
immunodeficiency syndrome can have an important effect on homosexual men and
their mental health status,44
we asked all respondents about their human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)
serostatus. Only one person, a heterosexual woman, reported a positive HIV
status. This result reflects the very low prevalence of HIV infection and
acquired immunodeficiency syndrome in the general population as well as among
homosexual men in the Netherlands.45
Given that no homosexual man reported being infected with HIV, we do not believe
that HIV infection can account for the observed mental health differences in
this study.
The observed differences
may result both from biological and social factors and an interaction between
them. Biological and genetic factors in the causes and development of
homosexuality46-50
might also predispose homosexual people to developing psychiatric disorders.
This is in line with the higher prevalence of bipolar disorder we found in
homosexual men compared with heterosexual men, which is generally considered to
be largely congenital.51
The effects of social factors on the mental health status of homosexual men and
women have been well documented in studies, which found a relationship between
experiences of stigma, prejudice, and discrimination and mental health status.52-61
Furthermore, controlling for psychological predictors of present distress seems
to eliminate differences in mental health status between heterosexual and
homosexual adolescents.62
The mediating role of relationship status suggests that higher prevalence rates
of some disorders in homosexual people compared with heterosexual people could
also be caused by loneliness.
The differential pattern
of differences for men and women can also be interpreted in various ways. First,
an effect of sexual orientation in women might be more difficult to demonstrate
since women already show higher levels of mood and anxiety disorders than men
regardless of sexual preference.24
Homosexual women could also be less exposed to social stressors than homosexual
men, given that attitudes toward homosexual men are generally more negative than
attitudes toward homosexual women.63
The fact that homosexual men showed higher prevalence rates of disorders that
are characteristic for women in general, whereas homosexual women showed higher
prevalence rates of disorders that are characteristic for men in general, is in
line with the theory that sex-atypical levels of prenatal androgens play a major
role in the causes and development of homosexuality.14
In conclusion, this study
offers evidence that homosexuality is associated with a higher prevalence of
psychiatric disorders. The outcomes are in line with findings from earlier
studies in which less rigorous designs have been employed. The processes
underlying the established differences need further study. Research into these
processes should be able to disentangle the potential interplay of various
factors
social,
attitudinal, behavioral, and biological
instead
of testing one specific factor. The most promising design for such a study
requires a large sample of both men and women, and is longitudinal and
cross-cultural.
Author/Article Information
From Utrecht University
(Drs Sandfort and Schnabel), the Netherlands Institute of Social Sexological
Research (Dr Sandfort), and the Netherlands Institute of Mental Health and
Addiction (Drs de Graaf and Bijl), Utrecht, the Netherlands; and the Social and
Cultural Planning Office of the Netherlands, The Hague (Dr Schnabel).
Corresponding author: Theo G. M. Sandfort, PhD, Department of Clinical
Psychology, Utrecht University, PO Box 80140, 3508 TC Utrecht, the Netherlands
(e-mail: t.sandfort@fss.uu.nl).
Accepted for publication
July 20, 2000.
NEMESIS is conducted by
the Netherlands Institute of Mental Health and Addiction (Trimbos Institute),
Utrecht, the Netherlands. Financial support has been received from the
Netherlands Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports, The Hague; the Medical
Sciences Department of the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research, The
Hague; and the National Institute for Public Health and Environment, Utrecht.
Data from this article
were presented at the Twenty-Fifth Annual Meeting of the International Academy
of Sex Research, Stony Brook, NY, June 24, 1999.
We thank Henny Bos for her
help in preparing this study and Jeffrey Weiss, PhD, and Daniel Weishut for
their comments on previous versions.
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